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THE NIGERIA CORRECTIONAL SERVICE ACT, 2019 – by Chioma Okoro ESQ

The Nigeria Correctional Service formerly known as the Nigeria Prisons Service is a Government Institution established to support the criminal justice system and guarantee public security by providing support in the reformation, rehabilitation and reintegration of those who violate criminal laws. The Correctional Service is a parastatal under the Ministry of Interior and is headed by the Controller-General, Ahmed Ja’afaru.

The Nigeria Correctional Service Bill 2019 was sponsored by the former Chairman of the Senate Committee on Interior, Senator Andy Uba in his desire for a total transformation in the management and administration of the Prisons. The former Senator noted that the new law will foster a better administration of criminal justice in Nigeria, bring about prison decongestion and ensure that the Nigeria Prison Administration System is at par with International best practices. On 14th August, 2019, President Muhammadu Buhari assented to the Bill which is now known as The Nigerian Correctional Service Act, 2019. The Act repeals the Prison Act Cap P29, Laws of the Federation, 2004 and changes the name from Nigeria Prisons Service to Nigeria Correctional Service.

According to the Act, there are two main faculties of the Correctional Service namely; Custodial and Non-Custodial Service. The Custodial Service relates to the administration and supervision of persons remanded in custody while Non-Custodial is the aspect that serves as an alternative to going to a custodian center. It is responsible for the administration of measures which include community service, probation, parole and restorative justice.

In recognition of the fact that overcrowding was and still is one of the problems that bedevil Nigeria Prisons, the Act contain key provision authorizing the State Controller to notify the relevant bodies within one week where a Custodian Centre has exceeded its capacity. The notified bodies shall within 3 months of the notification take necessary steps to rectify the overcrowding.

The Act also empowers the State Controller in conjunction with the Superintendent to reject more intakes of inmates where the Correctional Centre is filled to capacity.  The State Controller and the Superintendent shall be sanctioned where they respectively fail to notify the relevant body within the stipulated time that the Correctional Centre has exceeded its capacity and accept inmates after the expiration of the notification timeline.

Further, the Act gives those sentenced to death a ray of hope by providing that where an inmate sentenced to death has exhausted all legal procedure for appeal and the sentence has not been executed after 10 years, the Chief Judge may commute the sentence of death to life imprisonment.

Other provisions of the Act which emphasize the purpose of the Correctional Centre as a reformation and rehabilitation structure include the provisions for the Custodial Service to; conduct risk and needs assessment aimed at developing appropriate correctional treatment methods, prevention of torture, inhumane and degrading treatment, prevention of sexual and non-sexual violence against inmates, establishment of healthcare services for the promotion and protection of the physical and mental health of the inmates and providing opportunities for education and vocational training of inmates.

The provisions of the Act and the change of name are welcome developments aimed at enhancing the condition of Nigeria Prisons and reflecting the purpose for which the Prison facility exist, however, the change of name will only be a myth if there is no corresponding implementation of the provisions of the Act, efficiency and effectiveness of the criminal justice system and a change in the methodology hitherto applied in the management and administration of Nigeria Prisons.  It is hoped that the Service will be operated to reflect its new name.

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LAND CONFLICT; MOTHER OF DISPUTES – by Moses Ekeke

Conflict may be defined as “the strife for the mastery; hostile contest, battle, struggle, fighting between opposition, simultaneous but incompatible feelings or an opposition between persons or ideas; disagreement or argument about something important”[1]. “Land dispute involves conflicting claims to rights in land by two or more parties, focused on a particular piece of land, which can be addressed within the existing legal framework”[2]

Land is a free gift of nature, and so pervasively underpins human activities that it usually plays some roles during civil unrest and conflict. With globalization and rapidly growing population, the demand for land increases. This has also heightened the possibility of land disputes. Dispute over access to land and valuable resources have driven nations, cities, tribes and even families into long drawn overt or covert conflict. It is therefore important that we address the role land plays in the conflicts of many cities – particularly in Ebonyi state. This will help our policy makers develop strategies to ease tension among warring groups, limit conflict and avoid violence and the poverty trap that comes with cyclical violence. Failure to address these issues may increase the likelihood of conflict and perpetual poverty.

Land is the object of competition in various ways: as an economic asset/factor of production, as a connection with identity and social legitimacy, and as political territory. Competition over land and its resources is at the centre of the nexus between land and conflict.  This Competition occurs between any number and type of identity groups, based on ethnicity, class, religion etc. However, when the competition involves a group of people rather than individuals, the risk of large-scale violence increases. From personal experience, the struggle over land has posed one of the biggest problems in Ebonyi state. In our society, the struggle over land use and its mineral deposit has been a constant bane.

When land lacks adequate legal, institutional and traditional/customary protection, it becomes a commodity subject to manipulations and abuse. On that note, the Land Use Act 1978, in section 1 provides that all land in the state belongs to the governor, who holds same in trust for the people. Therefore, for a person to acquire interest in land, he must possess a statutory or customary right of occupancy. However, to obtain a right of occupancy, one must have root of title. Under customary right of occupancy, root of title can be established either by being first settlers, by inheritance, by gift or by conquest.

Land conflicts can be persistent as in the case of the Mgbalukwu and Ojiegbe land conflict that lasted 97 years which was finally resolved by HRCRC and the conflicting communities were reunited. It needs to be pointed out here that while local and traditional institutions like village council of chiefs/elders, religious heads, traditional rulers and other local bodies can often resolve local land conflicts, at a certain stage the government must intervene swiftly. When land conflicts escalate to the governmental level, the conflict can be properly managed in a constructive manner.

To properly address land-related conflicts, it is essential to correctly identify the roles played by land in the conflict. What factors create vulnerability to land conflicts and exacerbate tension? Some of these escalating factors include; land scarcity, insecurity of tenure, the lure of valuable resources, historical grievance etc. In the presence of such vulnerabilities, violence is often sparked by a trigger event. These trigger event can be anything that intensifies the vulnerability, even though the conflict was not caused directly by a land issue. For example, in the boundary dispute between Izzi and Ikwo, the subject matter of the dispute was not the land, however based on accumulated grievance and fights, each community barred members of the other community from crossing the border into their territory. By virtue of the not so clearly defined boundary, conflict and violence erupted and many lives were lost.

As conflict mediators with Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Centre, department of Peace-Building and Conflict Resolution, we have been going from one community to another reconciling people in conflict over land use in the family level, village and community such as the Mgbalukwu – Ojiegbe conflict mentioned above, the Umu-Oke-egwu – Umu-Aluma of Umunochi Local Government Area in Abia State that lasted for 23 years, and we are currently working on the boundary conflict between the Ukele people in Cross-River state and the Igbagu Izzi people in Ebonyi State.

We register and mediate over 1000 interpersonal, familial, workplace, communal, apprenticeship, landlord-tenant conflicts annually. In my experience as a customary land mediator, I have gathered knowledge in the land tenure system -which works as the mechanism for the acquisition of land in Ikwo, Izzi and Ezza. This tenure system in these communities dictate that all land belong to the community where the land is situated. Under the customary land tenure system, the community together owns the land, and equally holds it in trust for communal and personal use. This power is usually exercised by the elders of the community and the members of the land committee. Whenever there is conflict over land; especially customary land, it is usually because of animosity and unresolved misunderstanding, or parties are not agreeing on what law should apply to them; customary law or the Land Use Act.

There are a couple of measures that can be imbibed; however, there are things only the government can do. Criteria such as efficiency, accountability, public participation, security should be added to the land tenure and urban land management, which will form a good basis for development in the land tenure sector. In all these conflicts regarding land, there is need for mediation, conflict resolution, and involving traditional rulers in land management. This is because court adjudication will be very unsatisfactory to one side, which may fuel another conflict. So mediation is often the best option.

Land conflicts can be minimized if all these aforementioned approaches are combined as required in specific cases with respect to existing laws, culture, political and economic conditions of the prevailing social framework of the communities.

[1] Oxford Advanced Learners’ Dictionary

[2] John Bruce, Karol Boudreaux; Land tenure and Resource Rights Practice Lead, 2013

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THE UNJUST JUSTICE SYSTEM – by Gana Samuel Stephen

In Nigeria, wrongful convictions often pass through our judicial system undetected for some time, and at an alarming rate that the walls of our prisons are beyond what will be considered as overcrowded. Why this doesn’t plague the minds of individuals within the system is a mystery almost at par with the trinity.  Remarkably, society is seemingly comfortable with the erroneous truth that everyone within the walls of the prison deserve to be there Are there obstacles at all within the system itself that contributes to these problems? Is the culture of keeping suspects on awaiting trial the standard of practice? Are they actually rooted in a skewed interpretation of the law, or the law works more on paper? Does the system really give succor to indignant suspects? And if it does, how do victims seek relief in a judicial system that moves on a slow pace? Is there a political will to do justice? Certainly we cannot overlook these questions and neither can we be silent to the fact that with each passing day, the Nigerian system seems to work opposite to what our laws clearly provide.

At the policing level, which is the first active limb of the criminal justice system, there is overwhelming evidence showing that the police in carrying their basic duties compromise and practice far below global best practices. It is a common police procedure and in fact the standard for people to be randomly arrested and accused of grievous crimes as serious as murder, in the expectation that a case will be built around such arrest that is – working towards the answer – rather than via any scientific approach towards investigation of crime and regard to the rights of the accused person. This process is accompanied at most times with intimidation and show of force by police officers; it is in fact a norm that suspects are brutalized from the point of arrest and even in police custody.

 A male inmate who had been tortured in police custody said, “The police used rubber to tie my hands and arms. They said I had committed robbery.” His palms were blistered and peeling and his arms were crisscrossed with dark lines as a result of the wounds. His left hand hung limp. He was not treated for his injuries. Many inmates who have been in police custody get to court with injuries and wounds they got from arrest.  

The ultimate goal of this practice is to extract confessions of guilt from suspects by any means including the severest forms of torture as well as inhumane and degrading treatment. It is common practice for the police to hold accused persons under the nebulous principle called a “Holden charge,” with a view towards circumventing the person’s constitutional right not to be held for an unreasonable length of time, or be charged within a reasonable time as stipulated by the constitution. It is common place for accused persons to be kept in police detention well beyond the statutory 24 hour maximum within which they should be informed of the facts and grounds for their arrest, and indeed charged to court within 48 hours of arrest as guaranteed by Section 35(3) of the 1999 constitution.

Although bail is considered to be the right of an accused person, and as such advertised as free, police bail for the simplest of crimes carry with it a token of appreciation for a job well done, and even at that,  it is normal practice to deny bail even for petty crimes. This practice is commonly referred to as “police bail.” This happens most a times without services of a lawyer at this preliminary stage of the process when they require legal advise the most, as suspects are been forced to sign confessional statements or even tricked into admitting to commit a crime they know nothing about.

At this stage where a criminal matter is at its preliminary stages, a strong foundation of human rights abuses is prevalent. It is in fact where the suspects begin to contemplate the possibility that he actually committed the said offence.

 Next is the arraignment, where a police officer charge the already defeated suspect to a magistrate court who in most cases lack jurisdiction to entertain the matter so, the suspect is remanded in prison custody pending the advice of Director of Public Prosecution (DPP); another process which expends time, or even culminate in charging the suspect for a higher offence than the one committed. An inmate in Abakaliki prison during an interview with HRCRC said, “Me and my cousin [sic] stole a motorcycle to sell and pay SARS operatives who arrested my brother but we were caught before we sold the motorcycle. The owner said he does not want the case to go far but the police insisted we both pay twenty thousand naira for our bail or they forward the matter. My cousin was able to raise the money but I could not. On our first day in court, the magistrate granted him bail which he perfected and I was remanded in prison and this is two years since I last had my case in court”. After further investigation, HRCRC discovered that the said cousin who happens to be a co-accused was actually charged before the magistrate for stealing which is bailable while the other was charged for armed robbery on which the magistrate lacks jurisdiction hence his long stay – awaiting advice from DPP. 

 From the moment the suspect enters the walls of the prisons; his case is a forgotten issue, a term the criminal justice system termed as “Holden charge,” and which our courts described as alien to our laws but still a norm utterly practiced. Statistics obtained from the two Federal Prisons in Ebonyi State suggest that awaiting trial inmates held under this nebulous practice of Holden charge constitute a large number on the list. Such is the case of Chukwudi mentioned above. He lamented that all he wanted was just his day in court. –  “I just want to go to court let those who accuse me come forward and prove their allegations.” Chukwudi had been on Holden charge for over four years until HRCRC facilitated his release through Gaol Delivery in June of 2019.

Cases like these tainted with different types of Human Rights abuses get to courts from the police, only to meet a judicial system which in all fairness contributes amply to these abuses. Judicial officers write in long hand. Sometime they don’t sit on time or at all may be as a result of personal exigencies. The prosecution of criminal cases in the Magistrate Courts is done mostly by police officers. Most of the time, they don‘t have their witnesses in court and as such will ask for adjournment. In such cases they need advice from the Director of Public Prosecution, it may take months or even years to obtain because of the bureaucratic bottleneck in the administration of justice and general administration in Nigeria. 

The case of Sunday (23), an inmate illustrates the situation of many awaiting trials: He was first brought before a magistrate on 6 December 2010. He was at that time fourteen years old, a minor, and arrested on suspicion of armed robbery. The magistrate did not have the jurisdiction to handle his case and remanded him in prison, pending the police investigation. When his case was transferred to the High Court, he had two different judges assigned to his case an on each occasion, both started de novo – from the beginning.  At the time of HRCRC visit, eight years and two months had passed and he is on still awaiting trial. Sunday, who is now 23 said; “I have no lawyer and none was offered me either.” He denies that he had anything to do with the murder case. According to him, “There was a fight in my village between two gangs and one gang member was killed. Two days later, the police came and arrested me and eleven other persons.”

The Paucity of Legal Representation and the near absence of Pro-Bono Services have further worsened these abuses. In Nigeria, over 70 percent of accused persons are indigent and therefore unable to secure legal representation. To combat this problem, the government established Legal Aid Council, but the program is financially handicapped. In most cases, the accused person’s first real contact with a lawyer comes when they are charged before a magistrate after being remanded into custody, which is euphemistically referred to as an “overnight case.” This is clearly at variance with the requirements of the Nigerian constitution.

Suspects in Nigeria are systematically denied a range of human rights. Stakeholders throughout the Nigerian criminal justice system are culpable for maintaining this situation. This anchored around the inefficient machinery of the administration of justice, and hinges largely on how the police go about their duties usually in violation of the laws they are meant to protect. The judiciary in turn fails to ensure that all inmates are tried within reasonable time and then the prisons cannot ensure that facilities are adequate for the health and well-being of the prisoners. Severe overcrowding and lack of funds have created a deplorable situation in Nigeria’s prisons

Because the majority of wrongfully convicted persons or persons who suffer human rights abuses are indignant people, and huge legal fees and barrister’s fee note to contend with, it falls on the NGOs to take on the task. With funding as a major constraint, HRCRC did the little it could, with regular visits to police stations, prisons and the remand home, to review cases of indignant people facing human right abuses by authorities meant to uphold these rights. This resulted in the release of over 30 inmates on Holden charge, free legal representation for indignant victims of Human Rights abuses, and reintegration for the released inmates.

Much needs to be done. There are a lot of things we cannot undo, but to allow the innocent and indignant suffer Human Rights abuses is one thing that can be undone and HRCRC is taking the charge.  

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“A FUGITIVE AND A VAGABOND, NOT ANYMORE THERE IS SALVATION IN NO OTHER NAME BUT HRCRC!” – by Emmanuel Nweke

Children are regarded generally as precious gifts from God throughout the world. They are mostly treasured in Africa in general, and Igbo land in particular, where childlessness is traditionally not only regarded as a curse, but the victim, while alive is treated with great contempt, and at death, considered as flit worthy only to be thrown into the evil forest. This is because children are here not only seen as backup at old age, they are also means of family perpetuity.

        It is against this backup that children warmly welcomed, joyfully celebrated, diligently cared for and jealously protected. It is also explains why childless couples go extra miles in order to have children even through adoption: legally, “customarily”, or even illegally. What is baffling however is that some parents have abdicated this noble role and vocation, and turned their children into objects of abuse, neglect, domestic violence, etc.

        Here, at HRCRC, we are inundated with such complaints/cases of Child Rights Abuses. This is a microcosom of what is happening globally. No wonder, therefore, women and children issues have become trending in our contemporary world. This is because of their inerrability. It is to rise up to this challenge, and to give succor to these victims, that a separate department/programme was carved out and called women and children department/programme. During the first six (6) months of this year, this department alone has recarved a total of ninety (90) children and women related complaints. Thirty nine (39) out of these cases have been resolved while fifty one (51) are on-going.

        “A fugitive and a vagabond, not anymore: and there is a salvation in no other name but HRCRC” was a cry of relief, restoration and assurance by a young boy, who was re-united with his family after more than two (2) years of roaring about, like a sheep without a shepherded, because his father drove him out of his house. He suffered several forms of brutality in the hands of his father each time he tried to return to his family. It was the last of this circle of domestic violence that brought this boy in contact with HRCRC. On the fateful day, he was rushing to HRCRC office complex by a good Nigerian, who saw him lying semi-conscious in a pool and a deep bleeding wound at the back of his head.

HRCRC quickly mobilized two teams of her staff for action. One of the team was directed to invite the boy’s father, while the second team was charged with the responsibility of taking the boy to the hospital for immediate medical attention. This man now realizing the gravity of his offence, ran away from his house ignoring series of HRCRC’s invitation. In fact, it took the combined surveillance mounted by the staff of HRCRC and officers of Nigerian police, Central Police Station (CPS), Abakaliki before the man was finally tracked and arrested. Meanwhile, one week has passed and the boy had recuperated. He was able to volunteer his statement. You can listen to his story.

        “My name is Friday Odemigbo (not real name). I am fourteen (14) years old. I am the first child out of the six (6) children of my parents. My father’s name is Hyacinth Odemigbo (not real name). He is from Obollo-Afor Nsukka in Enugu state. My mother’s name is Elizabeth Odemigbo (not real name). She was married from Ezza, Akpoga Nike in Enugu state. My parents and siblings live at Onuebonyi, Inyimegu Izzi, opposite Rice Mill, Abakaliki. When I was about four (4) years of age, I was sent to live with my grandmother at Ezza Akpoga Nike. I lived with her until I pass my First School Leaving Examination (F.S.L.C.E) and National Common Entrance Examination.”

        “My ordeal started when my grandmother brought me back to my parents because she could not afford the cost of training me in secondary school. My father became angry because, according to him, he was finding it very hard to take care of my three (3) other brothers and two (2) sisters. He decided to give me out as a servant or labourer to his uncle, who works in cocoa plantation Ondo state. Having known the importance of education and the hardship associated with cocoa plantation, I refused to follow my uncle. My mother pleased with my father to leave me to stay with that because, according to her, “it is better to be managing life than to give away our first son to be a servant while we are still alive my mother cry and my mother’s plea fell on deaf ears as my father there and then decided that I must leave his house, unless I was ready to follow his uncle. Because I was too afraid to follow his uncle, I refused. He instantly threw me out of his house and hated my mother like the devil, since that day”.  

        “Since then I have been roaring the street, and bushes scavenging for what to eat, during which I have been exposed to unfavourable whether, bad boys and girls with the attendant negative influence. Without God’s grace, I would have died. Each attempt I made to return home, when the condition became unbearable, was an invitation of beating and other forms of brutality, worse than what I suffer outside. What you are witnessing today is a tip of the ice-boxg when compared to what I have suffered these years. Please, serve me or I perish,.

        The Police that arrested him directed him to the mediation table of HRCRC, after his several appeal for demancy, because according to him, he acted out of frustration. Hyacinth, his wife, his son, Friday, and the leadership of Nsukka Development Union, Abakaliki Branch met with HRCRC team of mediators. After series of mediation meetings, the matter was resolved; and both Friday and his mother were reconciled with Mr. Hyacinth. Part of the settlement agreement is that Friday shall complete his secondary education after which he can learn a trade of his choice. Mr. Hyacinth paid the medical bills of Friday. Finally, Friday was welcomed back by his parents and was happily re-united with his siblings. That was when Friday shouted in jubilation, “So, I am no longer a fugitive and a vagabond! Now I know that there is salvation in no other name but HRCRC!. The rest of the story is better left to be a subject of another editor of our magazine.

        This matter lasted for one month and two weeks, during which a total of eighteen (18) hours 35 minutes was spent. Over thirty eight (38) persons were contacted directly or indirectly and their awareness on Human Rights, especially children and women, were increased.                

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2019 Elections in Ebonyi State – by Onyedikachi Udi ESQ

Introduction
Elections are one of the canons of a democratic society. To many, it signifies a time of rebirth, rekindled hope and transition. A time to retain power or oust an unpopular incumbent from a political position and a popular candidate voted in. Youths look forward to attaining the legal age to join in making this choice. It has become the voice of the common man and a tool in making the peoples mandate shine. Without a free and fair election, democracy becomes merely a theoretical concept only fit to be studied and theoretically analysed. In societies where elections are characterizes by violence, gross electoral malpractice, government interference and money politics, democracy is suppressed.

The 2019 elections have come and gone and the winners sworn in but the irregularities that
characterized the process in Ebonyi state still loom in the heart of its residents and electorates.


ROAD TO 2019 ELECTIONS IN EBONYI STATE.


Prior to the election there were grave concerns over the conduct and possible outcome, many believed that just like in previous years, it may be marred with violence. The campaign witnessed the annihilation of minor political parties and their candidates; they were almost unnoticed due to inadequate campaign and poor press coverage.

There was also the apprehension of whether the election will take place in war prone zones in the state and a growing concern over the safety of the persons living in these areas during the election. Weeks leading up to the election, there were reports of the attacks and disruptions of the All Progressive Congress(APC) rallies in Ebonyi, Onicha and Ohaozara local government Areas of the state; also about thirty houses were razed down at Izzi-west constituency in a politically inspired clash by political party members. It was however alleged that these attacks were occasioned to inspire fear in the heart of the electorates in the constituency and discourage them from voting. The streets were graced with torn campaign posters and acid bathed billboard photos.

There were rumours of planned attacks on the INEC offices around the state. This rumour prompted a massive deployment of law enforcement agents to the INEC offices around the state. This gave room for some unscrupulous law enforcement agents, who took advantage of the situation to bully innocent civilians who dare get close to the roads leading to these offices. The atmosphere further escalated tension in the already tensed environment.

As the days drew near, excitement once more filled the air as many travelled in and out of the state to participate in the elections. The excitement was however short-lived and election fever once more crept in after the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) announced the postponement of the election on ground of logistics challenge and sabotage on the commission’s efforts. The presidential election was shifted from the 16th day of February 2019 to the 23rd day of February 2019 while the governorship and state legislative elections were shifted from 2nd march 2019 to 9th march 2019. Once more the general spirit was downcast, the enthusiasm died and discouragement set in.

However in retrospect, the rescheduling of the elections proved to be a blessing and a curse to the peculiar Ebonyi polity. It was a blessing because it gave time for a dousing of the already very pent up and potentially explosive polity that preceded the postponement. Furthermore, security agencies had more time to plan and strategize against new hazards that had not been anticipated.

It was a curse because democratically, it discouraged many from coming out a second time to cast their votes in the elections. This was especially true for those who had travelled to their home polling units to exercise their franchise. It was very manifest in the very abysmal turnout of voters during the elections.

 
THE ELECTIONS


On the 22nd day of February 2019, being the eve of the presidential election, a politically
inspired attack was carried out on some innocent individuals in a drinking bar in Ndiegwu Amagu village of Ikwo local government Area of the state resulting in the death of two persons while about three persons were severely injured.

Voting commenced on each day at an average of about 9.40am, the level of voter turnout was abysmally low compared to previous years. A Factsheet on the elections in the state revealed that there were about 1,459,933 registered voters in the state, 1,299,043 collected their permanent voter’s card but only about thirty-five percent of these came out to vote.

There were isolated reports of violence in some polling stations from the stationary and roving observers of HRCRC. Notably also were reports of intimidation of the INEC ad hoc staff in different polling units in Afikpo, as well as reports of ballot box snatching in Okposi Umuagara. It was also reported that in Oriuzo, a school building where the voting materials were kept was set ablaze alongside the motorbikes belonging to individuals packed within the vicinity.

Youth participation was relegated to thuggery by political overlords; even if not as rampant as prior elections. Security agents and political thugs were used in the intimidation and harassment of voters; voters in many polling units also complained of being forced to thumb print ballot papers in the presence of law enforcement agents who were eager to please their preferred candidates while browbeating opposition party members into acquiescence.


Remarkably, there was widespread cases of vote buying and inducements particularly in polling units in Ohaukwu local government area of the state. Allegations of domestic observers influencing the election by coarsing voters to vote for their preferred candidates cropped up as well.

A major controversy of the Election process in Ebonyi is that in all the Local Governments Areas in the state except Abakaliki Local Government Area, there was a major discrepancy between the number of registered voters in the presidential election and governorship election.
Though tales of these vices trilled the air during the elections, it is also worthy to note there was peaceful election in different parts of the state.

HRCRC’s EFFORT
In a bid to ensure peaceful election in the state, the HRCRC did the following:

  1. Implemented a Peace Electioneering Project funded by the Irish Aid and St Patrick’s Missionary Society geared towards training on Non-Violent Response to Conflict formajor electioneering stakeholders.
  2. Training for her branch members across the state on effective Election Observation and
    Reporting.
  3. Advocacies to the Commissioner of Police, the Comptroller of Prisons, Traditional Rulers and Town hall meetings in each senatorial district to ensure a nonviolent free and fair election.
  4. Conducted post-election evaluation with civil society organizations with the view to
    determine the impact of its election sensitization project in the conduct of the election
    and collect data on other electoral issues.


RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION.

  1. To curb bribery and vote buying, the people should be empowered economically because
    it is unlikely that one who is gainfully employed and whose standard of living is high can
    be bought out by unscrupulous politicians bent on winning at all cost.
  2. A bold and vibrant press can help to guarantee credible elections. There should be a factual and balanced reporting of all election related issue and effective early warning system put in place in areas prone to electoral violence.
  3. Surveillance and recording systems should be mounted on pulling units and collation
    centres to ensure a more transparent election.
  4. Politicians should be made to publicly denounce participating in any form of electoral violence. Thus, they should be held accountable by prosecution in violation of
    these oaths or fined heavily.
  5. Domestic and international election observers should be timeously deployed in other to
    effectively monitor elections.
  6. Political parties should respect their parties’ constitution and avoid undue influence on
    party members to vote for a particular candidate against their individual wishes.
  7. INEC needs to undergo continuous restructuring especially in areas of staffing and
    staff development; and also imbibe the culture of early training of ad hoc staff to ensure
    effective service.


Overall, there was a drastic decrease of violence in 2019 election in the state compared to previous electoral years but much is still needed to be done to attain a better electoral atmosphere; an atmosphere devoid of voter fatigue, election fraud, voter apathy, violence and other election related vices. In other to achieve this, we must be ready to accept positive electoral reforms, take back the real power from the few unruly politicians bent on forcing their will on the masses. We must be ready to hold each other accountable, and ensure that our vote counts while shunning all forms of violence and bribery.